1. When Did Chile Get Its Independence Lyrics
2. Chile Independence Day

Jan 27, 2019 - On Chilean Independence Day, Fiestas Patrias festivities include. Rodeos, fill with spectators cheering the huasos who demonstrate their skill.

Background

• By July of 1810, Bogota was a holdout for Spanish rule in the region. To the south, leading citizens of Quito had attempted to wrest control of their government from Spain in August of 1809: this revolt had been put down and the leaders were thrown in a dungeon. To the east, Caracas had declared a provisional independence on April 19.
• Chile was under Spanish rule. In 1810, Chile wanted to get independence from Spain. A royal army was sent to Chile. Chile defeated them. In 1818, they got independence but they still had to fight the Spanish troops that came from Peru time to time. It was only in 1826 that they had complete independence from Spain.

Chile is located in southern South America, bordering the South Pacific Ocean, between Argentina and Peru. It spans 756,950 square kilometers. The estimated 2014 population numbered approximately 17.4 million, 88.9 percent of which is white or non-indigenous, with the remaining 11.1 percent from the Mapuche and other indigenous groups. The country is divided into fifteen regions, with the city of Santiago as its capital. 89 percent of the population resides in urban areas.

Chile's market-oriented economy, with its relatively well-diversified and well-regulated financial system, is generally regarded as a model for other Latin American countries. According to the World Bank, Chile's economy has been the fastest growing in Latin America during the past fifteen years. The 1990s, however, was a difficult period as Chile experience a backdrop of global financial crisis and negative investor sentiment about emerging markets. In 1999, severe drought and Chile's over-dependence on commodity exports such as copper, among other factors, pushed the country into recession. Chile has since recovered, with a real GDP growth averaging 5.0 percent between the years 2003 and 2007, and its GDP per capita in 2007 was US$14,300. The Economist credits this growth to the stable macroeconomic policies that have been put in place over the past two decades and in particular the counter-cyclical fiscal policy developed by Ricardo Lagos's government (2000-06). However, some argue that Chile's economic policies are overly cautious and the government should do more to encourage growth.

The Portales Constitution

Chile’s independence from Spain on April 5, 1818, marked by the Spanish defeat at the Battle of Maipu, was followed by a period of near-anarchy. In 1829, conservative forces led by Diego Portales succeeded in asserting control over the country. Portales, who became the de facto ruler of Chile, also wrote Chile’s first long-lasting constitution. The Portales constitution established a strong central government dominated by the chief executive. For most of the nineteenth century, the president presided over a gradual institutionalization of representative practices and expansion of suffrage. These developments were accompanied by growing challenges to executive authority by the political parties sitting in the National Congress. The struggle for power between different governing branches escalated into a brief civil war in 1891 that was won by congressional forces and paved the way for a parliamentary republic.

The 1925 Constitution

Chile’s next constitution was adopted in 1925, in the midst of instability and discontent generated by the First World War and related events such as the collapse of the nitrate export trade, the articulation of new political ideologies, and the rise of the labor movement. Parliamentary democracy had been discredited—the perception of Congress was of a group of conservative and corrupt elites that opposed social reform and could not respond effectively to Chile’s political and economic problems. New and radical parties flourished, on both left and right sides of the political spectrum.

The 1925 constitution largely followed the classical liberal and democratic lines of its predecessor, thus allowing for institutional continuity. At the same time, it codified a number of significant changes: the separation of church and state, recognition of workers’ right to organize, a promise to care for the social welfare of all citizens, an assertion of the state’s right to infringe on private property for the public good, and an increase in the powers of the now directly elected president vis-à-vis the bicameral Congress. The government was divided into four branches: the executive, the legislature, the judiciary, and the comptroller general.

Military Rule and the 1980 Constitution

In the wake of the Cuban Revolution of 1959, politics in Chile became increasingly polarized between left-wing and right-wing factions. Centrist parties were no longer able to mediate the agreements and compromises that had previously enabled the smooth functioning of Chilean politics. Matters came to a head during Salvador Allende’s presidency, which pitted Allende’s coalition of leftist parties against the center-right opposition. The March 1973 congressional elections, which each side had hoped would give it a clear governing mandate, provided the catalyst—inconclusive results led to an escalation of the confrontation, with violent street demonstrations and threats of insurgency. On September 11, 1973, a military junta composed of the heads of the Army, the Navy, the Air Force and the national police led a coup to overthrow the Allende government, alleging constitutional violations, and to impose military rule.

Days after the coup, the junta appointed a commission to begin crafting a new constitutional order that could legitimize the military

The 1980 constitution has been described as a “dual constitution” that contained “transitional” as well as “permanent” articles. The transitional articles would apply during the transitional period of military rule, with Pinochet as President and the junta holding constituent and legislative power. In 1988, the junta was to appoint a Presidential candidate to be approved by plebiscite to lead Chile for the next eight years. The permanent articles were intended to create a “protected” democracy through: first, the establishment of a permanent tutelary role for the military; second, a prohibition upon persons, parties and movements whose views and objectives were judged by the Constitutional Tribunal to be hostile to democracy (“article 80”); and third, a series of checks on representative governmental institutions.

Constitution Building Process

Beginning in 1987, the Chilean political opposition accepted that the Pinochet regime could not be overthrown by popular revolt or guerilla warfare, but had to be challenged from within the constitutional system that the military government had itself created. A group of opposition parties formed the Concertación por el No coalition (the “Concertación”) to campaign for a “no” vote in the upcoming 1988 plebiscite. The Concertación’s efforts at voter registration, publicizing its cause and voting oversight resulted in Pinochet’s defeat on October 5 by a 55% vote. Under the constitution, this meant that presidential and parliamentary elections would be held in December 1989.

In the period between the plebiscite and the presidential elections, three-way negotiations over constitutional reform were held between the military government, moderate right-wing parties that supported the government, and the center-left opposition. There was no public discussion or participation. The agreed-upon reforms, which were approved in a July 30, 1989 plebiscite, reflected compromises made by the opposition rather than any far-reaching constitutional change: article 80 was eliminated; the number of elected senators was increased; the constitutional amendment mechanism was modified; the President’s ability to dissolve the lower house of Congress was removed and his power to declare a state of exception was reduced; a new civilian member was added to the National Security Council. The military succeeded in including a provision that laws that dealt with the armed forces would be governed by an organic constitutional law, increasing the difficulty of amending such laws. Political sociologists have argued that the effect of these reforms, which accepted the foundations of the 1980 constitution and were achieved through bargaining, was to make Chile’s transition a transición pactada (transition by agreement) and not a transición por ruptura (transition that broke with the previous order).

Constitutional developments: 1989-2014

Governments since the 1989 reforms have been engaged in reforming Chile’s constitution. Important changes have included: allowing for the direct election of municipal councilors; Supreme Court and criminal justice reform, and the enshrining of gender equality. The 2005 amendments are considered to be the greatest steps toward democracy in Chile, reducing the presidential term from 6 to 4 years, reducing military influence in politics—by transforming the National Security Council into an advisory body to the President, eliminating appointed senatorial seats, and giving the President the power to dismiss the commanders-in-chief of the armed forces and the national police—and removing the current electoral system from the constitution in order to open the process to future reform.

In 2013, Michelle Bachelet, of the socialist party, was elected to a second presidential term—the first being from 2006 to 2010, as the Constitution prohibits consecutive terms. Her campaign promised to replace the Constitution created during Pinochet’s dictatorship, arguing that Chile needs “a constitution born in democracy [as the current one] is illegitimate.” Her major focuses are education, tax reform, and addressing the country’s inequality. Opposition politicians raised concerns that changing the Constitution would create uncertainty, which could have a negative impact on foreign investment and the economy as a whole. Also, because of the large Catholic population in the country (66.7%), Bachelet is expected face resistance on reproductive rights reforms.

Less than a fortnight after Bachelet took office, over 100,000 Chileans from more than 40 civil organizations participated in The Protest of All Protests, calling for the Constitutional changes that had been promised during the campaign. Protesters claimed that the march was not in opposition to the President but rather to inform the politicians that the people have demands. Those demands include self-determination for the indigenous people, egalitarian marriage with child adoption, and healthcare.

Structure of Government under the current Constitution

Executive

The executive branch is headed by the President of the Republic, who serves a four year term and is not eligible for consecutive re-election. The President must be at least 35 years of age and a citizen of Chile. The President’s powers include participation in law making, oversight of the judiciary, and the ability to demand a session of Congress or a plebiscite. The Ministers of State, appointed by the President, must grant their approval of any Presidential regulations or decrees. The Ministers must be at least 21 years of age.

Legislative

The legislature of Chile is a bicameral system composed of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. Members of each branch are elected during the same election cycle as the president. 120 members of the Chamber of Deputies are elected in direct voting by 60 two-member electoral districts for four year terms. They must be at least 21 years old, have completed a secondary education, and have resided in their respective electoral district for no less than two years before the date of the election. The 38 members of the Senate are elected by direct vote in 19 two-member circumscriptions for eight year terms, half renewed alternately every four years. Senators must be at least 35 years of age and have completed a secondary education. Members of both branches may serve additional terms.

Judicial

The Courts of Chile address civil and criminal matters. The Supreme Court is composed of twenty-one ministers, appointed by the President, who choses from 5 nominees provided by the Court. Five members of the Court must be lawyers from outside the administration of justice with at least 15 years of experience. Judges for the Court of Appeal are appointed by the President from a list of three nominees provided by the Supreme Court. Judges for lower courts are appointed by the President from a list of three nominees from the Court of Appeals of the respective jurisdiction. No person may sit as a judge upon reaching the age of 75.

Constitutional matters are determined by the Constitutional Tribunal. The Tribunal is composed of 10 members. Three are appointed by the President, four are elected by National Congress, and three are elected by the Supreme Court. Members serve 9 year terms, partially renewed by threes, and may only serve one term. Members of the Tribunal are irremovable unless they reach 75 years old.

System of Government under the current Constitution

Timeline for Constitution Building Process

When Did Chile Get Its Independence Lyrics

References

BBC News. Chile’s Michelle Bachelet Faces First Protest. Web. 23 March 2014. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-26703699.

Central Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook: Chile, available at https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ci.html.

Chile: Democratic at Last. The Economist. Web 15 Sept. 2005. http://www.economist.com/node/4409107.

Collyns, Dan, Bachelet Pledges Radical Constitutional Reforms After Winning Chilean Election, The Guardian. 2013. Web. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/dec/16/chile-president-elect-michelle-bachelet-election-reforms.

Hudson, Rex A. (ed.), Chile: A Country Study (Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1994), available at http://countrystudies.us/chile.

Montes, J. Esteban & Tomás Vial, The Role of Constitution-Building Processes in Democratization—Case Study: Chile, Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, available at http://www.idea.int/conflict/cbp*

Cristi, Renato, Constitutionalism and the Founding of Constitutions: The Metaphysics of Constituent Power: Schmitt and the Genesis of Chile’s 1980 Constitution, 21 Cardozo L. Rev. 1749, 1766 (2000).*

Sacaan, Soraya. The ‘Protest of All Protests’ Calls for Constitutional Reform in Chile. Web. 25 March 2014. http://globalvoicesonline.org/2014/03/25/the-protest-of-all-protests-calls-for-constitutional-reform-in-chile/.

Writing the next chapter in a Latin American success story, The Economist, March 31, 2005.

News

Executive

President of the Republic

Powers

• Head of State
• Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces
• Convokes a plebiscite in specified cases
• Appoints and removes members of the government, including Ministers of State, governors, and ambassadors
• Appoints magistrates and judicial attorneys, on the proposal of the Court and the agreement of the Senate
• Grants pardons where there has been a final sentence and the defendant was not condemned by the Senate
• Maintains political relations with foreign powers; treaties must be submitted to Congress for approval

Removal

• Upon death
• Upon resignation
• Upon physical or mental impediment to fulfilment of duties

Ministers of State

Powers

• Implementation of government policy
• May take part in Congressional debates but may not vote

Removal

• Upon death
• Upon misconduct
• Upon resignation
• Upon removal

Legislative

Chamber of Deputies

Appointment

• Direct universal suffrage for four year terms

Powers

• Initiates impeachment proceedings for the President, Ministers of State, magistrates of the superior tribunals, generals or admirals of the armed forces and government officials
• Adopts agreements or suggests observations to the President
• Summons a Minister of State for questions related to his responsibilities (must have an absolute majority to call the same minister more than 3 times within a calendar year)
• Creates special investigatory commissions to gather records concerning specific acts of the Government

Senate

Appointment

• Voted through universal suffrage for 8 year term renewed alternately every four years.

Powers

• Acts as jury in impeachment proceedings
• Approves acts of the President
• Accepts or rejects presidential resignation; declares the incapacity of the President
• Confirms nomination of ministers and judicial prosecutors of the Supreme Court and the National Attorney

Judicial

Courts

Appointment

• Supreme Court:21 ministers;the Court selects 5 nominees, from which the President chooses one minster, approved by the Senate
• Court of Appeal: appointed by the President from a list of three nominees from the Supreme Court
• Other Courts: judges appointed by the President from a list of three nominees from the Court of Appeals of the respective jurisdiction

Powers

• Trial of civil and criminal cases
• Tribunals cannot excuse themselves from their authority, even in the absence of applicable law

Removal

• Upon death
• Upon reaching 75 years old
• Upon resignation
• Upon misconduct
• Upon end of term

Constitutional Tribunal

Appointment

• 10 members: 3 appointed by the President, 4 elected by the National Congress, 3 elected by the Supreme Court
• 9 year terms, partially renewed by threes
• May not serve more than one term

Powers

• Determines constitutionality of laws, treaties, court decisions, organizations, and political parties
• Resolves complaints that the President should have promulgated a law or should have implemented a law differently according to the Constitution
• Resolves eligibility of government officials

Removal

• Upon reaching 75 years old
• Otherwise irremovable

On July 20, 1810, Colombian patriots stirred the population of Bogotá into street protests against Spanish rule. The Viceroy, under pressure, was forced to agree to allow for a limited independence which later became permanent. Today, July 20 is celebrated in Colombia as Independence Day.

An Unhappy Population

The people of New Granada (now Colombia) were unhappy with Spanish rule. Napoleon had invaded Spain in 1808 and imprisoned King Ferdinand VII. Napoleon then put his brother Joseph Bonaparte on the Spanish throne, infuriating most of Spanish America. In New Granada, Camilo Torres Tenorio had written in 1809 his famous Memorial de Agravios (“Remembrance of Offenses”) about repeated Spanish slights against Creoles, who often could not hold high offices and whose trade was restricted. His sentiments were echoed by many.

Pressure for Colombian Independence

By July of 1810, Bogota was a holdout for Spanish rule in the region. To the south, leading citizens of Quito had attempted to wrest control of their government from Spain in August of 1809: this revolt had been put down and the leaders were thrown in a dungeon. To the east, Caracas had declared a provisional independence on April 19. Even within New Granada, there was pressure: the important seaside city of Cartagena had declared independence in May and other small towns and regions had followed suit. All eyes turned to Bogota, the seat of the Viceroy.

Conspiracies and Flower Vases:

Bogota’s patriots had a plan. On the morning of the 20th, they would ask well-known Spanish merchant Joaquín Gonzalez Llorente to borrow a flower vase with which to adorn a table for a celebration in honor of Antonio Villavicencio, a well-known patriot sympathizer. Startup repair windows 7 taking forever. It was assumed that Llorente, who had a reputation for irascibility, would refuse. His refusal would be the excuse to provoke a riot and force the Viceroy to hand power over to the creoles. Meanwhile, Joaquín Camacho would go to the Viceregal palace and request an open council: they knew that this, too, would be refused.

The Plan in Action:

Camacho proceeded to the home of Viceroy Antonio José Amar y Borbón, where the petition for an open town meeting regarding independence was predictably denied. Meanwhile, Luís Rubio went to ask Llorente for the flower vase. By some accounts, he refused rudely, and by others, he declined politely, forcing the patriots to go to plan B, which was to antagonize him into saying something rude. Either Llorente obliged them or they made it up: it didn’t matter. Patriots ran through the streets of Bogota, claiming that both Amar y Borbón and Llorente had been rude. The population, already on edge, was easy to incite.

Riot in Bogota:

The people of Bogota took to the streets to protest Spanish arrogance. The intervention of Bogota Mayor José Miguel Pey was necessary to save the skin of the unfortunate Llorente, who was attacked by a mob. Guided by patriots like José María Carbonell, the lower classes of Bogota made their way to the main square, where they loudly demanded an open town meeting to determine the future of the city and New Granada. Once the people were sufficiently stirred up, Carbonell then took some men and surrounded the local cavalry and infantry barracks, where the soldiers did not dare attack the unruly mob.

An Open Meeting:

Meanwhile, patriot leaders returned to Viceroy Amar y Borbón and tried to get him to consent to a peaceful solution: if he agreed to hold a town meeting to elect a local governing council, they would see to it that he would be part of the council. When Amar y Borbón hesitated, José Acevedo y Gómez made an impassioned speech to the angry crowd, directing them to the Royal Audience, where the Viceroy was meeting with the Creoles. With a mob at his doorstep, Amar y Borbón had no choice but to sign the act which permitted a local ruling council and eventually independence.

Legacy of the July 20 Conspiracy:

Bogotá, like Quito and Caracas, formed a local ruling council which supposedly would rule until such time as Ferdinand VII was restored to power. In reality, it was the sort of measure that cannot be undone, and as such was the first official step on Colombia's path to freedom which would culminate in 1819 with the Battle of Boyacá and Simón Bolívar's triumphant entry into Bogotá.

Viceroy Amar y Borbón was allowed to sit on the council for a while before being arrested. Even his wife was arrested, mostly to appease the wives of Creole leaders who detested her.

Many of the patriots involved in the conspiracy, such as Carbonell, Camacho, and Torres, went on to become important leaders of Colombia in the next few years.

Although Bogotá had followed Cartagena and other cities in rebellion against Spain, they did not unite. The next few years would be marked by such civil strife between independent regions and cities that the era would become known as the 'Patria Boba' which roughly translates as 'Idiot Nation' or 'Foolish Fatherland.' It wasn't until Colombians began fighting the Spanish instead of one another that New Granada would continue on its path to freedom.

Colombians are very patriotic and enjoy celebrating their Independence Day with feasts, traditional food, parades, and parties.

_Sources:

_{Bushnell, David. The Making of Modern Colombia: A Nation in Spite of Itself. University of California Press, 1993.}

_{Harvey, Robert. Liberators: Latin America's Struggle for Independence Woodstock: The Overlook Press, 2000.}

_{Lynch, John. The Spanish American Revolutions 1808-1826 New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1986.}

_{Santos Molano, Enrique. Colombia día a día: una cronología de 15,000 años. Bogota: Planeta, 2009.}

Chile Independence Day

_{Scheina, Robert L. Latin America's Wars, Volume 1: The Age of the Caudillo 1791-1899 Washington, D.C.: Brassey's Inc., 2003.}